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宋朝文化是中國文化歷史中的豐盛時期,藝術、音樂、文學、哲學各方面都很有成就。為篩選官員而建立的科舉考試推進了教育制度的發展,印刷品的廣泛流創促進了文學的交流與對藝術的鑑賞。與唐朝不同,一般的官員都具有學者、詩人、畫家、政治家的特質,喜愛字畫,善於詩詞,收藏古董。一般百姓鍾愛戲曲,酒家林立菜式繁多,市場充斥衣服鞋物。
藝術
[编辑]中國畫特別是山水畫到了宋代發展已經非常成熟。不僅僅把風景描繪,還強調畫中意境。道家強調陰陽,宋代理學注重天人合一,追求暗藏在社會與自然之間的義理。[1]自宋代,人們懂得製作半透明的瓷器和混合使用搪瓷的青瓷製品。其中龍泉青瓷在宋代已經非常受歡迎。[2]宋代的黑色和紅色漆器都配上以自然山水,歷史人物和簡單的裝飾圖案為題材的精美雕刻。譬如黃地剔紅後赤壁賦圖盤、朱錦地剔黑赤壁賦盤、樓閣人物堆黑盒、醉翁亭朱錦地剔黑盤。[3]雖然鑄銅藝術、瓷器藝術、漆器藝術、玉器雕刻、雕塑、建築、描繪動物的水墨畫受到文人高度評價,但是山水畫仍然為列最高。[4] 山水畫大師掌握了如何構造仔細擬真的近景,並且利用穿插雲間的高山流水製造無限的遠景。[5]
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1c/Song_Dynasty_Porcelain_Bottle.jpg/170px-Song_Dynasty_Porcelain_Bottle.jpg)
兩宋畫風有別。北宋山水畫多燦爛輝煌轉,質感強烈,時而柔和溫雅,氣勢宏大。在蘇軾的提倡下,慢慢走向最求自我表現,追求意境,務求神似。南渡後,多描繪秀麗江南山水景色,構圖簡約,但花鳥畫則更趨嚴謹精緻。[6] This change in attitude from one era to the next stemmed largely from the rising influence of 理學 philosophy. Adherents to 理學 focused on reforming society from the bottom up, not the top down, which can be seen in their efforts to promote small private academies during the Southern Song instead of the large state-controlled academies seen in the Northern Song era.[7]
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/11/Verseuse_ph%C3%A9nix_Mus%C3%A9e_Guimet_2418.jpg/170px-Verseuse_ph%C3%A9nix_Mus%C3%A9e_Guimet_2418.jpg)
Ever since the Southern and Northern Dynasties (420–589), painting had become an art of high sophistication that was associated with the gentry class as one of their main artistic pastimes, the others being calligraphy and poetry.[8] During the Song Dynasty there were avid art collectors that would often meet in groups to discuss their own paintings, as well as rate those of their colleagues and friends. The poet and statesman 蘇軾 (1037–1101) and his accomplice 米芾 (1051–1107) often partook in these affairs, often borrowing art pieces to study and copy, or if they really admired the art piece then a persuasion to make a trade for it was often proposed.[9] The small round paintings popular in the Southern Song were often collected into albums as poets would compose poems to the side to match the theme and mood of the painting.[10]
Although they were avid art collectors, Song scholars did not readily appreciate artworks commissioned by those considered beneath their social class. Anthony J. Barbieri-Low, a Professor of Early Chinese History at the University of California, Santa Barbara, points out that Song scholars' appreciation of art created by their peers was not extended to those who made a living simply as professional artists:[11]
During the Northern Song (960–1126 CE), a new class of scholar-artists emerged who did not possess the tromp l'oiel skills of the academy painters nor even the proficiency of common marketplace painters. The literati's painting was simpler and at times quite unschooled, yet they would criticize these other two groups as mere professionals, since they relied on paid commissions for their livelihood and did not paint merely for enjoyment or self-expression. The scholar-artists considered that painters who concentrated on realistic depictions, who employed a colorful palette, or, worst of all, who accepted monetary payment for their work were no better than butchers or tinkers in the marketplace. They were not to be considered real artists.[11]
Despite this attitude of scholar-officials, talented court painters were highly esteemed by the emperor and royal family. 宋代著名的山水畫大師有很多,譬如張擇端 (1085–1145), who 他曾繪畫著名的《清明河上圖》。宋高宗(1127–1162) 曾下令根據漢代女詩人蔡文姬的《胡笳十八拍》作畫。自唐末滅佛後,四川的大足石刻象徵著佛教在宋代開始復興。類似大足石刻的雕塑設計有四川名山的安岳石窟。引用错误:<ref>
标签有衝突或無效的属性
字畫
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《秋庭嬰戲圖》,宋/蘇漢臣(1150)
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毛益於12世紀所繪《蜀葵遊貓圖》
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南宋《枇杷山鳥圖》,作者不詳
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李安忠《竹鳩圖》,12世紀中葉早期繪
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A duckling, anonymous painter of the Southern Song
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Palace children playing, Northern or Southern Song
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郭熙(約1023年—約1085年)於1072年所作《早春圖》
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雲南大理國在1173年—1176年間由張勝溫等人繪制的《梵像卷》中的釋迦佛會,現藏於臺北故宮博物院
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A Scholar in a Meadow, 11th century.
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宋朝11世紀的孔雀明王畫像,現藏於日本京都仁和寺
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繪於北宋12世紀的《梅竹聚禽圖》,作者不詳
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The Trip of the Emperor Minghuang after Shu, 11th century.
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12世紀初北宋趙昌所繪絹彩《茉莉花圖》,現存於中華人民共和國上海博物館
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李衎(1244年-1320年)《竹石圖》
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繪於12世紀的《虎溪三笑圖》,帶有南宋李唐畫風
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黃居寀(933-993以后)《山鷓棘雀圖》
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宋仁宗之后郭氏官方繪像
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陳容《九龍圖》卷之一,繪於1244年
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馬麟《靜聽松風圖》,1246年繪
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易元吉於11世紀所繪《猴貓圖》(片段)
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許道寧於11世紀所繪《松下曳杖图》
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劉松年於12世紀末13世紀初所繪《羅漢圖》
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宋《子母雞圖》,作者不詳
陶瓷
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來自景德鎮的青白瓷茶壺
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A cut and engraved sandstone and celadon jar from Yaozhou in Shaanxi, 10th-11th century.
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北宋青鈾陶壺
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陝西耀州窯青釉瓜楞执壶,於10世紀末燒製
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南宋來自景德鎮的青白瓷器
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Gray sandstone dish with a celadon coating, decorated with a peony motif, from Yaozhou in Shaanxi, 11th-12th century.
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A funerary porcelain figurine in the personification of the Chinese zodiac, from Jingdezhen in Jiangxi, 12th century.
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Celadon plate from Yaozhou in Shaanxi, 10th-11th century.
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A Song ceramic box with floral medallions
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配以花朵與龍的造型的白瓷花瓶
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以蓮花襯托的龍泉青瓷
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一對黑釉兔毫盞
文學與典籍
[编辑]![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1d/Mi_Fu_Shu_Su_Tie.jpg/300px-Mi_Fu_Shu_Su_Tie.jpg)
文學
[编辑]在宋代的中國文學作品種類繁多,派別林立,隨著社會發展變得非常繁盛。雖然唐朝早期能以詩被譽為中國文學的高峰,但宋代卻能夠以詞創造另一個高峰。宋代文學人才輩出,有宋代議論先驅梅堯臣,大文豪蘇軾,行為瘋狂的米芾,首位著名女詞人李清照等等。雖然詞始於南梁,但到了宋代卻大受歡迎,成了宋代文學的主要體裁。政治家范仲淹,理學家歐陽修,書法家黃庭堅,領軍文人辛棄疾都是以詞著名。
史學
[编辑]史學 in literature remained prominent during the Song, as it had in previous ages and would in successive ages of China. Along with Song Qi, the essayist and historian 歐陽修所負責編纂的《新唐書》在1060年完成。司馬光與王安石則擔當歷史巨著《資治通鑑》的總纂官。 《資治通鑑》記載的歷史由周直到五代的後周,橫跨16個朝代,共294卷。[13] It covered the major themes and intricate nuances of Chinese history from 425 BC during the Warring States all the way up to the 10th century and the fall of the Tang Dynasty.[14][13] In 1189 it was compiled and condensed into fifty-nine books by 朱熹 (1130–1200), while this project was totally complete with the efforts of his disciples around the time of his death in 1200.[15]
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/64/Xvxi1.jpg/170px-Xvxi1.jpg)
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/25/Museum_f%C3%BCr_Ostasiatische_Kunst_Dahlem_Berlin_Mai_2006_043.jpg/170px-Museum_f%C3%BCr_Ostasiatische_Kunst_Dahlem_Berlin_Mai_2006_043.jpg)
類書
[编辑]宋代有好幾本龐大的類書,其中《宋匯部四大書》為最著名,早期參與編纂工作的有李昉和徐鉉。及後,《冊府元龜》才編入《宋匯部四大書》,其餘的就是《太平御覽》、《太平廣記》及《文苑英華》。除此之外,還有1037年完成的《集韻》。Although 理學 became dominant over Buddhism in China during this period, there was still a significant amount of Buddhist literature. For example, there was the collection of Zen Buddhist kōans in the 碧巖錄 Blue Cliff Record of 1125, which was expanded by 北宋的圜悟克勤 Yuanwu Keqin (1063–1135). 遊記文學 was also a popular category of literature during the Song period, which was accounts of one's own travel experiences typically written in narrative or prose styles, and included authors such as 范成大.[16] 蘇軾的《石鐘山記》開展旅遊文學。
特別文獻
[编辑]宋朝有很多與技術和科學有關的著作面世。其中,兩位著名學者有沈括和與他同時期的蘇頌。沈括在公元1088年完成了《夢溪筆談》,其內容十分廣泛,包括文學、藝術、軍事、數學、天文學、氣象學、地質學、地理學、冶金學、工程學、水利學、建築學、動物學、植物學、農學、醫學、人類學、考古學等等。[17] 身為沈括的好友,蘇頌不但在公元1070年編寫了醫藥學的重要著作《本草圖經》,以梳理植物學、動物學、冶金學及礦物學;還在在公元1092年完成了他天文名著-《新儀象法要》,為他所複製的水運儀象台 作詳細的解釋。該水運儀象台能夠集合天文觀察、天象演示、自動報時於一身。[18][19][20][21][22] Although these two figures were perhaps the greatest technical authors in their field during the time, there were many others. For producing textiles, 秦觀's book of 1090 AD, the 《蠶書》, included description of a silk-reeling machine that incorporated the earliest known use of the mechanical belt drive in order to function.[23] In the literary field of agronomy, there was the 《救荒活民书》 edited by 董煟 in the 12th century, the 《茶錄》 written by 蔡襄 in 1060 AD, the 《朱子社倉法》(Master Zhu on Managing Communal Granaries) written by 朱熹 in 1182 AD, and many others.[24][25] There were also great authors of written works pertaining to geography and cartography during the Song Dynasty, such as 樂史Yue Shi (太平寰宇記 his book in 983), Wang Zhu (in 1051), 李德芻 Li Dechu (in 1080), Chen Kunchen (in 1111), Ouyang Wen (in 1117), and Zhu Mu (in 1240).[26] Although an early form of the local geographic gazetteer existed in China since the 1st century, the matured form known as "treatise on a place", or 方誌fangzhi, replaced the old "map guide", or 圖經tujing, during the Song Dynasty.[27] The major differences between the two were that 方誌fangzhi were products of local initiative and decision-making, were typically ten to fifty chapters in length, and were almost always printed for a large audience, whereas 圖經tujing were products of infrequent demands from the central government and were typically only four chapters long.[28] The widespread availability of printing in the Song allowed many ordinary people to access materials that were once read almost exclusively by experts, such as printed texts and handbooks on agriculture, childbirth, pharmacy and medicine, domestic economics, geography, divination, and Daoist rituals.[29][30]
戲曲
[编辑]![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1b/A_Children%27s_Puppet_Show.jpg/220px-A_Children%27s_Puppet_Show.jpg)
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1c/Children_Playing_on_a_Winter_Day.jpg/220px-Children_Playing_on_a_Winter_Day.jpg)
中國戲曲可以追朔至唐朝的梨園。可是,歷史學家Stephen H. West則確認北宋首都開封是首個真正的表演藝術中心。[31]隨著商人與文官的生活及娛樂消費日增,促進了表演藝術與飲食行業的發展。[32]開封內有50多個表演場地,當中有四個可以容納數千名觀眾,為附近商店提供大量人流。[33] The chief crowd that gathered was composed of those from the merchant class, while government officials only went to restaurants and attended theatre performances during holidays.[34]
From 開封, the 雜劇dramatic style employed the 北曲style of poetic lyrics.[31] After the capital had shifted to 杭州, the dramatic style of 戲文 (also 南戲 or 南曲) developed separately.[35]這兩個不同地方劇種,以不同的方言唱說,以獨特角色組別來表演,配以不同類別的中國音樂。[36] In 開封 drama, one singer was preferred for each play, accompanied by string and percussion instruments.[36] In 杭州 drama, there was a multitude of singers on stage for each set, while string and wind instruments were preferred.[36]
Color and clothing distinguished the rank of theatre actors in the Song.[37] Similar to vendors who wore specific outfits to identify which guild they belonged to, actors' generic costumes reflected the role type they played on stage, whether it be student, young man, young woman, official, soldier, etc.[38] Actors honed their theatrical skills at drama schools.[37] Musicians also found work in the theatre industry, since plays performed in the markets were often accompanied by music.[37]台上的演出者會以文言唱說,而白話即口語在元朝以前的戲劇表演中不被接納。[39] Although trained to speak in the erudite Classical language, acting troupes commonly drew their membership from one of the lowest classes in society: prostitutes.[40] Themes enjoyed in stage skits varied from satires about corrupt officials to comedy acts with titles like "Setting fire when delivering the soup," "Raising a ruckus in the winehouse," "The peony smells best when the wine is stolen," and "Catching a monkey in a restaurant."[41][42] The only xiwen play to have survived from the Southern Song era is the Zhang Xie zhuang yuan (张協狀元), featuring interludes such as a clown stealing food and wine at a wedding banquet in act 16 and a quick comedy sketch about renting a room in act 24.[43]
Surprisingly, actors on stage did not have a wholesale monopoly on theatrical entertainment, as even vendors and peddlers in the street, singing lewd songs and beating on whatever they could find to compensate for percussion instruments, could draw crowds.[44] This practice was so widespread that West claims "the city itself was turned into a stage and the citizens into the essential audience."[45] Many of the songs played for stage performances were tunes that originated from vendors' and peddlers' songs.[46] Contests were held on 元旦 to determine which vendor or peddler had the best chants and songs while selling wares; the winners were brought before the imperial court to perform.[45] The 武林記事Wulin jiushi of the Southern Song states that these vendors, when presented to the consorts and concubines of the palace, were lavished with heaps of gold and pearls for their wares; some vendors would "become rich in a single evening."[38] Theatrical stunts were also performed to gain attention, such as fried-glutinous-rice-ball vendors hanging small red lamps on portable bamboo racks who would twirl them around to the beat of a drum to dazzle crowds.[47] Puppet shows in the streets and wards were also popular.[38]
習俗
[编辑]節日
[编辑]![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/7/70/Qingming_Festival_3.jpg/300px-Qingming_Festival_3.jpg)
In ancient China there were many domestic and public pleasures in the rich urban environment unique to the Song Dynasty. For the austere and laborious peasantry, annual festivals and holidays provided a time of joy and relaxation, and for the poorest it meant a chance to borrow food and alcoholic drink so that everyone could join in the celebration.[48] People would gather around their local sanctuary to observe the festival's games, theatrical entertainments, juggling, clowning, and other performances.[48] The fesitivities on 春节 were considered the most important of the year by the Chinese, its momentous occasion correlating with the beginning of February on the Western calendar.[48] Preparations for the New Years festival took place over a month's time, as people busied themselves painting door gods, crafting paper streamers with lucky characters for "welcoming the spring," making printed images of Zhong Kui, and cooking special kinds of foods such as porridge of red haricot beans.[49] 在正月十五舉行的元宵節,又稱燈節,非常受歡迎。百姓製作花燈,欣賞花燈,猜燈謎,賞燈持續五天。宋孝宗時期,根據周密所說,最好的燈節都在蘇州和福州,而杭州的燈樣式繁複多樣,辛棄疾曾寫道:「東風夜放花千樹,更吹落,星如雨」。[50] Written in his memoirs, 孟元老 (active 1126-1147) recalled how the earlier Northern Song capital at 開封 would host festivals with tens of thousands of colorful and brightly-lit paper lanterns hoisted on long poles up and down the main street, the poles also wrapped in colorful silk with numerous dramatic paper figures flying in the wind like fairies.[50] There were also other venerated holidays, such as the 清明節, as it was supposedly this period of the year that was depicted in the artwork (mentioned above) by the artist 張擇端 (although some would argue the painting actually represented the time of autumn in the year).
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/9d/Gu_Hongzhong%27s_Night_Revels_2.jpg/500px-Gu_Hongzhong%27s_Night_Revels_2.jpg)
With the advent of the discovery of 火藥 in China, lavish 烟花 displays could also be held during festivities. For example, the martial demonstration in 1110 AD to entertain the court of 宋徽宗, when it was recorded that a large fireworks display was held alongside Chinese dancers in strange costumes moving through clouds of colored smoke in their performance.[52] The common people also purchased 鞭炮s from city shopkeepers and vendors, made of simple sticks of bamboo filled with a small amount of gunpowder.[49]
Although they were discontinued after the devastation of the 安史之亂 (755–763) during the 唐朝, lavish Chinese carnivals were revived and once again celebrated during the Song Dynasty.[53] Nationwide Chinese carnival celebrations were held nationwide when the emperor felt a great occasion warranted a grand display of his benevolence and generosity, such as renowned military victories, abundant harvests after long droughts or famines, the granting of grand amnesties by the throne, sacrifices to deities, the installation of a crown prince, marriages within the imperial family, etc.[54]
服飾
[编辑]![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d1/Zhenzong.jpg/200px-Zhenzong.jpg)
宋朝的服飾有很多種類,大多反映了個人的社會地位。[56] 由於缺乏廉價的煤炭,人們在冬天會多穿絲綢或棉襖。[56] The clothing material preferred by the rich was silk, and for special occasions they had silk robes with gold brocade.[57] The clothing material used by the poor was often hempen cloth, but cotton clothes were also used, the latter being most widely available in the south.[57] The types of clothes worn by peasants and commoners were largely uniform in appearance (with color standard of black and white),[58] and so was the case for the upper class and elite. In fact, wealthy and leading members of society followed accepted guidelines and ritual requirements for clothing. In the upper class, each stratified grade in the social hierarchy was distinguished by the color and specific ornamentation of robes, the shape and type of headgear, and even the style of girdle worn.[59] This rigid order was especially so during the beginning of the dynasty. However, the lines of hierarchy slowly began to blur as the color purple, once reserved solely for the attire of third rank officials or higher, began to diffuse amongst all ranks of officials who bore the color indiscriminately.[58] Along with lower grade civil officials in the government protesting the rigid regulations for attire, the wealthy members of the merchant class also contributed to the disintegration of rules for ceremonial attire worn only by certain members of society.[60] Yet there were still visible distinctions between civil officials and the class of rich merchants and business owners; the officials were distinguished by their long robes reaching to the ground, while merchants often wore a blouse that came down below the waist with trousers.[60] Pants and trousers were introduced to China during the Warring States in the 4th century BC, and were not exclusive to merchants;[57] every soldier wore trousers as part of his uniform, while trousers were also worn by the common people.[57] Although most men were cleanshaven, soldiers, military officers, and professional boxing champions preferred side-whiskers and goatee beards, as they were a sign of virility.[55]
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/c7/Li_Kung-lin_001.jpg/200px-Li_Kung-lin_001.jpg)
The attire of Song women was distinguished from men's clothing by being fastened on the left, not on the right.[60] Women wore long dresses or blouses that came down almost to the knee.[60] They also wore skirts and jackets with short or long sleeves.[60] When strolling about outside and along the road, women of wealthy means chose to wear square purple scarves around their shoulders.[60] Ladies also wore hairpins and combs in their hair, while princesses, imperial concubines, and the wives of officials and wealthy merchants wore head ornaments of gold and silver that were shaped in the form of 鳳凰 and flowers.[57]
People in the Song Dynasty never left their homes barefoot, and always had some sort of headgear on.[57] Shops in the city specialized in certain types of hats and headgear, including caps with pointed tails, as well as belts and waistwraps.[61] Only Buddhist monks shaved their heads and strolled about with no headgear or hat of any sort to cover their heads.[57] For footwear, people could purchase leather shoes called 'oiled footwear', wooden sandals, hempen sandals, and the more expensive satin slippers.[57]
飲食
[编辑]From the Song period, there are many surviving lists of names for entrées and food dishes in customer menus for restaurants and taverns, as well as for feasts at 宴會,節日,and carnivals, and modest dining.[63] Many of the peculiar names for these dishes do not provide clues as to what types of food ingredients were used.[63] However, judging from the listed seasonings they used for these dishes, such as 胡椒,薑,多香果, 醬油, oil, salt, and vinegar, 宋朝菜式與今日中國傳統菜式分別不大。[63] Other additional seasonings and ingredients included walnuts, turnips, crushed Chinese cardamon kernels, 花椒, olives, 銀杏, 柑桔 zest, and 麻油.[64][47]
Regional differences in culture brought about different types of foods, while in certain areas the cooking traditions of regional cultures blended together; such was the case of 南宋首都杭州.[63] After the mass exodus from the north, people brought 河南-style cooking and foods (popular in the previous 北宋首都開封) to Hangzhou, which was blended with the cooking traditions of 浙江.[63] However, records indicate that already in the Northern Song period, the first capital at 開封 sported restaurants that served southern Chinese cuisine.[63][36] This catered to capital officials whose native provinces were in the southeast, and would have found northern cuisine lacking in sufficient seasoning for their tastes.[63] In fact, texts from the Song era provide the first use of the phrases nanshi, beishi, and chuanfan to refer specifically to northern, southern, and Sichuan cooking, respectively.[36] Many restaurants were known for their specialties; for example, there was one restaurant in Hangzhou that served only iced foods,[65] while some restaurants catered to those who wanted either hot, warm, room temperature, or cold foods.[66] Descendants of those from 開封 owned most of the restaurants found in Hangzhou,[67] but many other regional varieties in foodstuffs and cooking were sponsored by restaurants. This included restaurants catering 川菜 that emphasized use of pimento pepper, dishes and beverages from 河北 and 山東, and coastal foods of shrimp and saltwater fish.[62] The memory and patience of waiters had to be keen; in the larger restaurants, serving dinner parties that required twenty or so dishes became a hassle if even a slight error occurred.[66] If a guest reported the mistake of a waiter to the head of the restaurant, the waiter could be verbally reprimanded, have his salary docked, or in extreme cases, kicked out of the establishment for good.[66]
In the early morning in Hangzhou, along the wide avenue of the Imperial Way, special breakfast items and delicacies were sold.[68] This included fried 內臟,羊肉或者鵝, soups of various kinds, hot pankaces, steamed pancakes, and iced cakes.[68] 中式麵店非常受歡迎,在 were also popular, and remained open all day and night along the Imperial Way.[69] According to one Song Dynasty source on 開封, the night markets closed at the third night watch but reopened on the fifth, while they had also gained a reputation for staying open during winter storms and the darkest, rainiest days of winter.[70]
There were also some exotic foreign foods imported to China from abroad, including raisins, dates, Persian jujubes, and grape wine; rice wine was more common in China, a fact noted even by the 13th century 威尼斯 traveler 馬可波羅.[71] Although grape-based wine had been known in China since the ancient Han Dynasty Chinese ventured into Hellenistic Central Asia, grape-wine was often reserved for the elite.[62] Besides wine, other beverages included pear juice, 荔枝 fruit juice, honey and ginger drinks, tea, and pawpaw juice.[72][73] Dairy products and farming were foreign concepts to the Chinese, which explains the absence of cheese and milk in their diet.[74] Beef was also rarely eaten, since the bull was an important draft animal.[74] The main consumptionary diet of the lower classes remained rice, pork, and salted fish,[75] while it is known from restaurant dinner menus that the upper classes did not eat dog meat.[75] The rich are known to have consumed an array of different meats, such as chicken, shellfish, fallow deer, hares, 松雞, 雉, 鷓鴣, 鵪鶉, fox, badger, clam, crab, and many others.[65][70][47] Local freshwater fish from the nearby lake and river were also caught and brought to market,[74] while the West Lake provided geese and duck as well.[75] Common fruits that were consumed included melons, 石榴, 荔枝, 龍眼, 金桔, 棗, Chinese and Japanese quinces, apricots and pears; in the region around Hangzhou alone, there were eleven kinds of apricots and eight different kinds of pears that were produced.[74][76][47] Specialties and combination dishes in the Song period included scented shellfish cooked in rice-wine, geese with apricots, 蓮子湯, pimento soup with mussels and fish cooked with plums, sweet soya soup, baked sesame buns stuffed with either sour bean filling or pork tenderloin, mixed vegetable buns, fragrant candied fruit, strips of ginger and fermented beanpaste, jujube-stuffed steamed dumplings, fried chestnuts, salted fermented bean soup, fruit cooked in scented honey, and 'honey crisps' of kneaded and baked honey, flour, mutton fat and pork lard.[77][70][78][79][47] Dessert molds of oiled flour and sugared honey were shaped into girls' faces or statuettes of soldiers with full armor like door guards, and were called "likeness foods" (guoshi).[80]
宗教與哲學
[编辑]![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/98/Wood_Bodhisattva.jpg/230px-Wood_Bodhisattva.jpg)
宋代的學者不斷重新詮釋傳統儒家經典中的真理。這個時期正是佛教作為外來宗教衝擊中國思想,並且為學者的一些實際問題提供解決的方法。可是,中國的佛教也同時慢慢吸收了儒家和道家思想。The continuing popularity of Buddhism can be seen with strong evidence by achievements in the arts, such as the 100 painting set of the 五百羅漢, completed by Lin Tinggui and Zhou Jichang in 1178.
The conservative Confucian movement could be seen before the likes of 朱熹 (1130–1200), with staunch anti-Buddhists such as 歐陽修 (1007–1072). In his written work of the Ben-lun, 他指出佛教如何在南北朝已經開始滲入中國的文化。He argued that Buddhism became widely accepted when China's traditional institutions were weakened at the time. This was due to many factors, such as foreign外族鮮卑統治北方,and China's political schism that caused warfare and other ills. 雖然隋文帝廢除九品中正制,建立科舉制,但也大興佛教。因此導致佛教在隋唐時期有很大的影響力。歷史學家Arthur Wright形容當時的儒家恢復到擬古主義。[81] Ouyang Xiu wrote:
佛法為中國患千余歲,世之卓然不惑而有力者,莫不欲去之。已嘗去矣,而復大集:攻之暫破而愈堅,撲之未滅而愈熾,遂至於無可奈何。是果不可去邪?蓋亦未知其方也。[82][83]
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/7/77/Chinesischer_Maler_von_1238_001.jpg/200px-Chinesischer_Maler_von_1238_001.jpg)
In conclusion on how to root out the 'evil' that was Buddhism, Ouyang Xiu presented a historical example of how it could be uprooted from Chinese culture:
昔戰國之時,楊、墨交亂,孟子患之而專言仁義,故仁義之說勝,則楊、墨之學廢。漢之時,百家並興,董生患之而退修孔氏,故孔氏之道明而百家息。此所謂修其本以勝之之效也。[82][84]
Although Confucianism was cast in stark contrast to the perceived alien and morally-inept Buddhism by those such as Ouyang Xiu, Confucianism nonetheless borrowed ideals of Buddhism to provide for its own revival. From Mahayana Buddhism, the Bodhisattva ideal of ethical universalism with benevolent charity and relief to those in need inspired those such as Fan Zhongyan and Wang Anshi, along with the Song government.[85] In contrast to the earlier heavily Buddhist Tang period, where wealthy and pious Buddhist families and Buddhist temples handled much of the charity and alms to the poor, the Song Dynasty government took on this ideal role instead, through its various programs of welfare and charity (refer to Society section).[86] In addition, the historian Arthur F. Wright notes this situation during the Song period, with philosophical nativism taking from Buddhism its earlier benevolent role:
It is true that Buddhist monks were given official appointments as managers of many of these enterprises, but the initiative came from 理學 officials. In a sense the Buddhist idea of compassion and many of the measures developed for its practical expression had been appropriated by the Chinese state.[87]
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/3e/Gr%C3%A8s_chinois_Guimet_231104.jpg/180px-Gr%C3%A8s_chinois_Guimet_231104.jpg)
Although Buddhism lost its prominence in the elite circles and government sponsorships of Chinese society, this did not mean the disappeance of Buddhism from Chinese culture. Zen Buddhism continued to flourish during the Song period, as Emperor Lizong of Song had the monk Wuzhun Shifan share the Chán (Zen) doctrine with the imperial court. Much like the Eastern Roman Emperor Julian the Apostate promoting Roman paganism and Theurgy amongst the leading members of Roman society while pushing Christianity's influence into the lower classes, so too did 理學 of the 13th century succeed in driving Buddhism out of the higher echelons of Chinese society.[88]
In terms of Buddhist metaphysics, the latter influenced the beliefs and teachings of Northern Song-era Confucian scholars such a程顥和程頤 Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi (who were brothers), the former being one of the tutors of 朱熹. They emphasized moral self-cultivation over service to the ruler of the state (healing society's ills from the bottom-up, not the top-down), as opposed to statesmen like Fan Zhongyan or 蘇軾, who pursued their agenda to advise the ruler to make the best decisions for the common good of all.[89] The Cheng brothers also taught that the workings of nature and metaphysics could be taught through the principle (li) and the vital energy (qi). The principle of nature could be moral or physical, such as the principle of marriage being moral, while the principle of trees is physical. Yet for principles to exist and function normally, there would have to be substance as well as vital energy.[89] This allowed Song intellectuals to validate the teachings of Mencius on the innate goodness of human nature, while at the same time providing an explanation for human wrongdoing.[89] In essence, the principle underlying a human being is good and benevolent, but vital energy has the potential to go astray and be corrupted, giving rise to selfish impulses and all other negative human traits.
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/56/Luohan_Laundering%2C_by_Lin_Tinggui%2C_1178_AD.jpg/200px-Luohan_Laundering%2C_by_Lin_Tinggui%2C_1178_AD.jpg)
The Song 理學 philosophers, finding a certain purity in the originality of the ancient classical texts, wrote commentaries on them. The most influential of these philosophers was 朱熹, whose synthesis of Confucian thought and Buddhist, Taoist, and other ideas became the official imperial ideology from late Song times to the late 19th century. The basis of his teaching was influenced by the Cheng brothers, but he greatly extended their teachings, forming the core of 理學. This included emphasis on the 四書: the 《論語》, 《孟子》, 《中庸》, and the 《大學》 (the latter two being chapters in the ancient 禮記). His viewpoint was that improvement of the world began with improvement of the mind, as outlined in the Great Learning.[90] His approach to Confucianism was shunned by his contemporaries, as his writings were forbidden to be cited by students taking the Imperial Examinations. However, 宋理宗 found his writing to be intriguing, reversing the policy against him, and making it a requirement for students to study his commentaries on the 四書.[90]
朱熹's 理學 philosophy evolved into a rigid official creed, which stressed the one-sided obligations of obedience and compliance of subject to ruler, child to father, wife to husband, and younger brother to elder brother. The effect was to inhibit the societal development of pre-modern China, resulting both in many generations of political, social, and spiritual stability and in a slowness of cultural and institutional change up to the 19th century. 理學 doctrines also came to play the dominant role in the intellectual life of Korea, Vietnam, and Japan until modern times.
參見
[编辑]註解
[编辑]- ^ Ebrey, Cambridge Illustrated History of China, 162.
- ^ 宋代龍泉青瓷鑒別. 華夏經緯網. 2007-02-09 [2009-11-10].
- ^ 七千年的光辉历程. 江蘇文化網. 2006-4-5 [2009-11-10].
- ^ Morton, 104.
- ^ Morton, 105.
- ^ 全面發展的宋金遼繪畫. 華夏經緯網. [2009-11-11].
- ^ Walton, 199.
- ^ Ebrey, 81-83.
- ^ Ebrey, 163.
- ^ 引用错误:没有为名为
ebrey cambridge 163
的参考文献提供内容 - ^ 11.0 11.1 Barbieri-Low (2007), 39–40.
- ^ 宋 崔白《雙喜圖》. 中國藝術家聯盟. 2008-7-14 [200-11-10].
- ^ 13.0 13.1 Pratt & Rutt, 478.
- ^ Brownlee, 19.
- ^ Partington, 238.
- ^ Hargett, 67-68.
- ^ Needham, Volume 1, 136.
- ^ Sivin, III, 32.
- ^ Needham, Volume 3, 208 & 278.
- ^ Wu, 5.
- ^ Needham, Volume 4, Part 2, 445–448.
- ^ Bodde, 140.
- ^ Needham, Volume 4, Part 2, 107-108.
- ^ Needham, Volume 6, Part 2, 621.
- ^ Needham, Volume 6, Part 2, 623.
- ^ Needham, Volume 3, 521.
- ^ Bol, 44.
- ^ Bol, 46.
- ^ Ebrey, Cambridge Illustrated History of China, 158.
- ^ Hymes, 3.
- ^ 31.0 31.1 West, 69.
- ^ West, 69 & 74.
- ^ West, 76.
- ^ West, 98.
- ^ West, 69–70.
- ^ 36.0 36.1 36.2 36.3 36.4 West, 70.
- ^ 37.0 37.1 37.2 Gernet, 223.
- ^ 38.0 38.1 38.2 West, 87.
- ^ Rossabi, 162.
- ^ West, 72.
- ^ West, 78–79.
- ^ Gernet, 224.
- ^ West, 79.
- ^ West, 83–85
- ^ 45.0 45.1 West, 85.
- ^ West, 91.
- ^ 47.0 47.1 47.2 47.3 47.4 West, 86.
- ^ 48.0 48.1 48.2 Gernet, 106.
- ^ 49.0 49.1 Gernet, 186.
- ^ 50.0 50.1 Needham, Volume 4, Part 1, 128.
- ^ Ebrey, Cambridge Illustrated History of China, 148.
- ^ Kelly, 2.
- ^ Benn, 157.
- ^ Benn, 154-155.
- ^ 55.0 55.1 Gernet, 131.
- ^ 56.0 56.1 Gernet, 127.
- ^ 57.0 57.1 57.2 57.3 57.4 57.5 57.6 57.7 Gernet, 130.
- ^ 58.0 58.1 Gernet, 128.
- ^ Gernet, 127–128.
- ^ 60.0 60.1 60.2 60.3 60.4 60.5 Gernet, 129.
- ^ West, 71.
- ^ 62.0 62.1 62.2 Gernet, 134.
- ^ 63.0 63.1 63.2 63.3 63.4 63.5 63.6 Gernet, 133.
- ^ West, 73, footnote 17.
- ^ 65.0 65.1 Gernet, 137.
- ^ 66.0 66.1 66.2 West, 93.
- ^ Gernet, 133–134
- ^ 68.0 68.1 Gernet, 183–184
- ^ Gernet, 184.
- ^ 70.0 70.1 70.2 West, 73.
- ^ Gernet, 134–135.
- ^ Gernet, 138.
- ^ Gernet, 184–185.
- ^ 74.0 74.1 74.2 74.3 Gernet, 135.
- ^ 75.0 75.1 75.2 Gernet, 136.
- ^ West, 73–74.
- ^ Rossabi, 78.
- ^ West, 75.
- ^ West, 75, footnote 25.
- ^ West, 89.
- ^ Wright, 92.
- ^ 82.0 82.1 見歐陽修《本論 中》
- ^ Wright, 88.
- ^ Wright, 89.
- ^ Wright, 93.
- ^ Wright, 93-94.
- ^ Wright, 94.
- ^ Brown, 93.
- ^ 89.0 89.1 89.2 Ebrey et al., 168.
- ^ 90.0 90.1 Ebrey et al., 169.
參考資料
[编辑]- Barbieri-Low, Anthony J. (2007). Artisans in Early Imperial China. Seattle & London: University of Washington Press. ISBN 0295987138.
- Benn, Charles. 2002. China's Golden Age: Everyday Life in the Tang Dynasty. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-517665-0.
- Bodde, Derk (1991). Chinese Thought, Society, and Science. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
- Bol, Peter K. "The Rise of Local History: History, Geography, and Culture in Southern Song and Yuan Wuzhou," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (Volume 61, Number 1, 2001): 37–76.
- Brown, Peter (1971). The World of Late Antiquity. New York: W.W. Norton Inc.
- Brownlee, John S. (1997). Japanese Historians and the National Myths, 1600–1945: The Age of the Gods and Emperor Jinmu. Vancouver: UBC Press. ISBN 0774806451.
- Ebrey, Walthall, Palais, (2006). East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. ISBN 0-618-13384-4.
- Ebrey, Patricia Buckley (1999). The Cambridge Illustrated History of China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-43519-6 (hardback); ISBN 0-521-66991-X (paperback).
- Gernet, Jacques (1962). Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250-1276. Translated by H. M. Wright. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-0720-0
- Hargett, James M. "Some Preliminary Remarks on the Travel Records of the Song Dynasty (960-1279)," Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR) (July 1985): 67-93.
- Hymes, Robert P. (1986). Statesmen and Gentlemen: The Elite of Fu-Chou, Chiang-Hsi, in Northern and Southern Sung. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521306310.
- Kelly, Jack (2004). Gunpowder: Alchemy, Bombards, and Pyrotechnics: The History of the Explosive that Changed the World. New York: Basic Books, Perseus Books Group.
- Morton, Scott and Charlton Lewis (2005). China: Its History and Culture: Fourth Edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc.
- Needham, Joseph (1986). Science and Civilization in China: Volume 1, Introductory Orientations. Taipei: Caves Books Ltd.
- Needham, Joseph (1986). Science and Civilization in China: Volume 3, Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens and the Earth. Taipei: Caves Books Ltd.
- Needham, Joseph (1986). Science and Civilization in China: Volume 4, Physics and Physical Technology, Part 1, Physics. Taipei: Caves Books, Ltd.
- Needham, Joseph (1986). Science and Civilization in China: Volume 4, Physics and Physical Technoogy, Part 2, Mechanical Engineering. Taipei: Caves Books Ltd.
- Needham, Joseph (1986). Science and Civilization: Volume 6, Biology and Biological Technology, Part 2, Agriculture. Taipei: Caves Books Ltd.
- Partington, James Riddick (1960). A History of Greek Fire and Gunpowder. Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons Ltd.
- Pratt, Keith L. and Richard Rutt. (1999). Korea: A Historical and Cultural Dictionary. Surrey: Curzon Press. ISBN 0700704639.
- Rossabi, Morris (1988). Khubilai Khan: His Life and Times. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-05913-1.
- Sivin, Nathan (1995). Science in Ancient China: Researches and Reflections. Brookfield, Vermont: VARIORUM, Ashgate Publishing.
- Sorensen, Henrik H. 1995. "Buddhist Sculptures from the Song Dynasty at Mingshan Temple in Anyue, Sichuan," Artibus Asiae (Vol. LV, 3/4, 1995): 281-302.
- Walton, Linda (1999). Academies and Society in Southern Sung China. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
- West, Stephen H. "Playing With Food: Performance, Food, and The Aesthetics of Artificiality in The Sung and Yuan," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (Volume 57, Number 1, 1997): 67–106.
- Wright, Arthur F. (1959). Buddhism in Chinese History. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
- Wu, Jing-nuan (2005). An Illustrated Chinese Materia Medica. New York: Oxford University Press.
延伸閱讀
[编辑]- 薛永年. 《中國美術·五代至宋元》. 人民大學出版社. 2004-10-01. ISBN 7300055117.
- 李雨蒼. 《宋代陶瓷紋飾精粹繪錄》. 上海古籍出版社. 2004-09-01. ISBN 753253878 请检查
|isbn=
值 (帮助). - 李開周. 《食在宋朝:舌尖上的大宋風華》. 花城出版社. 2009-1-1. ISBN 7536055536.
外部連結
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